The Inca quipu still remains somewhat of a mystery to today's scholars, and while there are many plausible and likely hypotheses as to the true functions this device served, a specific and definite answer has yet, and may never, be uncovered. Some believe the quipu represents a form of proto-writing, while others feel it embodies a system of writing all on its own. But regardless of the different magnitudes of functionality that are thought to have been applied to the quipu by the Incas, it is wholly agreed that it was an extraordinarily intricate system in which to store information.
A typical quipu consisted of a number of pendent and often subsidiary pendent strings made from cotton and sometimes wool, and were suspended from a main horizontal cord. Knots representing numbers were tied into the pendent strings and occasionally into the main cord, and the strings were dyed various colors in order to define the different subjects to which the numbers referred.
Encoding: The Symbolic Systems of the Quipu
Quipus were assigned both a vertical and horizontal direction, causing both the encoding and decoding of a quipu to be a multi-directional, or nonlinear experience. "The establishment of the points where the strings were attached did not have to follow any set left-to-right or right-to-left sequence. The positions of the strings were set by their points of attachment, and it is the relative position, along with the colors and the knots, that rendered the recording meaningful. Essentially then, the quipumaker had to have the ability to conceive and execute a recording in three dimensions with color" (Ascher 33). Similarly, the direct construction involved in recording information on a quipu depended to a large degree on the maker's tactile sensitivity. "In fact, the overall aesthetic of the quipu was related to the tactile: the manner of recording and the recording itself [were] decidedly rhythmic; the first in the activity, the second in the effect" (32). As one would continue
The overall function of a quipu was to record and store information, although exactly what kind and to what level of sophistication is debated. The process of encoding was very intricate and consisted of very specific and intentional manipulations of the string to create symbols that would correspond to any number of things, ideas, dates etc. However, there did not exist a universal book of codes in which to follow; each quipu constructed was very personal to the person to which it belonged.
When analyzing a quipu, there are several components that one must pay close attention to as a singular unit within the context of the whole quipu.
Unlike media such as clay and paper in which symbols are applied to the surface, the strings of a quipu functioned as both the surface and the writing tool itself. In addition to being knotted and dyed, the quipucomayac had the option of positioning the cords on different levels, in different directions, and in relative positions ( Archer 31).
There were several different type of knots used in the making of a quipu, some represented numbers in terms of quantities, while others represented numbers that were meant to act as labels.
Its not simply the type of knot used, the length or color of the string, or the number of subsidiary pendents employed that must be taken into account when recording data using a quipu. A quipucomayac must also attend closely to the necessary spacial arrangement that must be created for accurate evaluations.
The number of colors used on a particular quipu is dictated by the number of categories it encompasses. "So, too, a color system increases in complexity as the number of contexts it describes increases and as statements of relationship become involved" (Archer 31). Generally, the clarification of such relationships are encoded via the overall patterning used through out the quipu(Ascher 31). -Candy-Cane Effect: two solid colors twisted together -Mottled effect: two of candy-cane strings twisted together using the opposite twist direction -Joining effect: two solid colors that are joined so part of the cord is one color and the rest of it is another color. Furthermore, the color coding of cords also functions to unite the largely tactile nature of the quipu with the visual. This is accomplished as color coded cords that are closely connected become intertwined with the resistor color system.
Was It Writing?
There are many scholars that firmly believe the quipu to be an extremely advanced and detailed mnemonic device; a function that is reported as working both very efficiently and successfully. In noting how precisely traditions and records were preserved, Sir Clements Markham describes the passing down of the Paccari-tampu myth. "It is told by Garcilasso de la Vega, Cieza de Leon, Betanzos, Balboa, Morua, Montesinos, Salcamayhua and Sarmiento, all agreeing sufficiently closely to prove that precisely the same tradition had been handed down, with the same details, to their various informants" ( Markham 140). -"The quipucamayas who had charge of them and served as the official historians of the empire evidently relied on the usual psychological expedients-association, interest, concentrations, and repition-in order to fix the facts in their memories" (Day 39-40)
Perhaps the most interesting hypothesis for the potential meaning of these bundles of knotted cords is a theory proposed by Dr. Gary Urton, author of Signs Of The Inka Khipu: Binary Coding in the Andean Knotted-String Records. In his book, Urton suggests that the Inca quipuencoded more than just the previously thought commercial transactions, including the preservation of literature, poetry, science and any other information that could be documented via a system of writing. Urton describes "the beginnings of sketching out a theory of interpreting the hierarchical and asymmetrical signs of, especially, non-decimal khipu as the architecture for canonical literatures whose essential components would have been noted by khipukamayuq and used as the framework for constructing narrative recitation" (Urton 164).
Urton argues that the systems of patterned differences in spinning, plying, knotting, numbers, and colors in the quipu are all binary in nature and interact with each other to form an information system with seven-piece sequences that function in a similar fashion to the binary language employed by computers. (Urton 40) Therefore, he concludes that we must continue the analysis of the quipu with the understanding that all structural and physical features interacted on a semiotic level.
Decoding: Unable to Crack the Code
The cultural quipus mentioned by the Spanish chroniclers "'recorded' laws, rites, treaties, speeches, and history" (Day 39), while the statistical quipus included a catalogue of "crops and agricultural produce, herds of domestic and wild animals, stores of wool and cotton, weapons and other military supplies - everything in the empire, in fact, that could be counted" (Day 39). Yet the both employed the same
Pops and Hisses
Systems that employ color coding, or any type of representational signs and symbols, must remain relatively fixed and inflexible for it to flourish among a group of people. The meanings assigned to each color must be defined and agreed upon by everyone utilizing the system, and the amount of signs must remain reasonable to meet efficiency needs. Individual users can not alter the meaning signified by a particular color without extending that change to be acceptance unanimously. However, many of these crucial traits of a successful coding system are lost with the quipu. Of course, for the purposes of keeping this information private, the random and flexible nature employed by the quipucomayacs prevented any sort of overarching associations to be made between the sign and the signifier and signified.
- no hand book to determine the possibile meanings of the sign system used
-There are so many slight variations to what can be interpreted as what kind of knot, doesn't leave room for people with different "hand writings" so to speak. While it is meant to be a very controlled and stylized process of recording, its doesn't allow any room for difference among its users. "Quipumakers differ from each other in the way that no two people write alike. Quipumakers also differ in the way that some people write more legibly then others. (Ascher Ascher70)
The quipu as a communicative device was highly selective; only the privileged, important men of the Inca community were taught how to create and interpret this system of recording. As aforementioned, these men were known as Quipucamayacs, or quipu-makers.
The Inca civilization functioned as a bureaucracy, which, according to Max Weber, is a type of administration that fundamentally means: "the exercise of control on the basis of knowledge" (Ascher 33). Therefore, for the Incas, knowledge truly did equal power, and that knowledge was measured in large part by the amount of records they had stored. Furthermore, Ascher and Ascher notes the characteristic nature of a bureaucracy as one where its records are peculiar to itself, and remain that way. So to be a quipucamayac signified specialized knowledge, power and status, but also the responsibility of being an official historian for the Inca empire.
Understandably, quipucamayacs "never 'let their quipus out of their hands,' says Garcilaso, 'and they kept passing their cords and knots through their fingers as to not forget the tradition' which it was their function to remember" (Day 39-40). Perhaps one of the few times the quipucamayacs would separated from their quipus was for the purpose of sending a messgae. According to Cyrus Lawrence Day, "Trained runners called chasquis were stationed in pairs at intervals of about a mile along the imperial highways. Running at top speed and handing their quipus on, one chasqui to another, as in a relay race, they could transmit a message to Cuzco from two or three hundred miles away in twenty-four hours" (39).
The only addition to quipucamayas were Amautas, or learned men and councilors, who were also knowledgeable about the techniques necessary to understand the information stored by a quipu. While they didn't have a hand in composing them, the Amautas, along with the quipucamayas, played an integral role in the maintenance of Inca culture as traditions were passed down from generation to generation.
---add: this would cause a problem, as it has indeed done today, with allowing the medium to be used on a more common level--
- Ascher, Marcia, and Robert Ascher. "Civilization Without Writing - the Incas and the Quipu." The Media of Early Civilization. 28-33.
- Ascher, Marcia, and Robert Ascher. Code of the Quipu. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan P, 1981.
- Bingham, Hiram. "The Incas and Their Civilization." Lost City of the Incas. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1948. 4-10.
- Day, Cyrus L. "Mnemonic Knots." Quipus and Witches' Knots. Lawrence: The University of Kansas P, 1967. 14-40.
- Markham, Sir Clemets. "Language and Literature of the Incas." The Incas of Peru. New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, 1910. 137-140.